Israel’s ‘security’ wall has provided little security
by Allison Deger and Philip Weissy
The current violence in Israel and Palestine has demonstrated the ineffectiveness of the separation barrier, the concrete wall/barbed wire fence that Israel began erecting inside Palestine 13 years ago during the second intifada to provide security. The wall is as high as 25 feet in some places, and travels for hundreds of miles inside Palestine, mostly east of the Green Line, grabbing territory that was supposed to go to a Palestinian state under the Oslo accords.
Most of the Palestinian attacks have taken place on the Israeli side of the separation barrier. Last week, for instance, several Israelis and an American were attacked inside the Gush Etzion settlement in the occupied West Bank, but on the Israeli side of the wall, while several other attacks by Palestinians have taken place in East Jerusalem, also inside the wall.
«Un Estado no puede simultáneamente ejercer el control del territorio que ocupa y atacar militarmente ese territorio como si fuera extranjero y planteara una amenaza externa a su seguridad nacional. Al hacer eso, Israel está haciendo valer derechos que podrían ser compatibles con la dominación colonial, pero que simplemente no existen en el derecho internacional.» Noura Erekat.
«Uno de los argumentos más comunes que se utilizan para defender el ataque de Israel sobre Gaza es que “ningún país en el mundo” aceptaría vivir bajo la amenaza de los cohetes. (…) Aun siendo débil, el argumento habilita la pregunta: ¿por qué entonces criticar solo a Israel? He aquí una respuesta posible: ¿qué otra autoproclamada democracia ha matado a sus enemigos (la mayoría civiles) en una relación de 1400 a 9 en la Operación Plomo Fundido, 176 a 6 en la Operación Pilar de Defensa, o 170 y pico a 0 en la actual ofensiva Borde Protector?» Ryan Rodrick Bailer.
Photo: An Israeli soldier stands guard as Palestinian children look at a protest against Jewish settlements, near Beit Romano settlement in the city center of the occupied West Bank town of Hebron on 24 April, 2010 (AFP).
A video tells the world how a 12-year-old child incredibly escapes the clutch of an Israeli soldier. Hundreds more are far less fortunate, to the point of death
It has been a truism since the dawn of theatre: Children upstage everyone else. “Vengeance … for the blood of a child, Satan has yet to devise,” cried Israel’s national poet Chaim Nahman Bialik in his poem On the Slaughter. A thousand reports on the crimes of occupation will always pale in contrast to one picture of a small child dead or detained or abused or injured.
Such was the iconic video clip that went viral recently: an Israeli soldier, masked and armed, tries to detain a Palestinian child whose arm is in a cast. The child looks terrified as his mother, a teenage girl and another few women try to prevent the soldier from taking him into custody.
Yitzhak Rabin never supported Palestinian statehood [English & Spanish]
For 20 years the Israeli Left has utilized selective memory to reinvent the late prime minister. In reality, Rabin only wanted to grant the Palestinians limited autonomy, a goal he achieved through the Oslo Accords.
by Yakir Adelman
Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin meets with PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat in Casablanca, October 30, 1994. (GPO/Saar Yaakov)
Ahead of the 1992 elections in Israel there was a televised debate between Yitzhak Rabin and incumbent prime minister Yitzhak Shamir. At the end of the debate Shamir was allowed to ask his opponent a question of his choice: “Do you really want a Palestinian state within the land of Israel?” Rabin answered decisively: “I oppose a Palestinian state between us and the Jordan [river]. At the same time, I don’t not want 1.7 million Palestinians to become citizens of Israel.” Rabin added that he voted in favor of the “autonomy plan” that Menachem Begin proposed as prime minister in 1978.
El dilema de Caetano Veloso después de visitar Palestina
por Shajar Goldwaser.
Músicos brasileños Gil y Caetano conmemoram 50 años de carrera y amistad en Amsterdam. Sandro Fernandes/ Opera Mundi
Desde que fue publicado su texto en el diario Folha de São Paulo (ver carta abajo), Caetano Veloso ha recibido críticas de casi todos los lados. Los sionistas están irritados por el hecho de que no quiera volver más a Tel Aviv. Los activistas de la causa palestina no se conforman con su no adhesión completa al movimiento del boicot. En mi caso, veo en las dudas que Caetano planteó un debate esencial para entender la cuestión palestina. ¿Cómo es que Israel puede ser al mismo tiempo tan amado por unos y odiado por otros?
My headline takes me back 35 years to the day when I had a remarkably frank conversation in Tel Aviv with then retired Major-General Shlomo Gazit, the very best and the brightest of Israel’s directors of military intelligence.
I put to him my conclusion that “It’s all nonsense.” I meant and said that contrary to the assertions spewed out by its leaders, Israel’s existence had never, ever, been in danger from any combination of Arab and other Muslim military force and was never likely to be. Through a sad smile, Shlomo replied: “The trouble with us Israelis is that we’ve become the victims of our own propaganda.”