The management of the Neruda Foundation, a critical eye.


Mario Casasus ,


 The memory of America extends from the hometown of Neruda, in Parral (Chile, far south) to our Parral (on the border with the US and Chihuahua), from the Heights of Macchu Pichu into the bowels Valley Cuauhnahuac (Cuernavaca is so tied to Neruda as his poetry and life: in 1941 a group of Nazis brutally beat him in a restaurant in the center of Cuernavaca, and in 1966, Neruda last in Mexico, visited his La Tallera dear friend David Alfaro Siqueiros).

Pablo Neruda was always a witness in the eye of the hurricane, just to mention: the Spanish civil war, the emerging Cold War between the US and the USSR, the triumph of the Cuban Revolution, the proposal to socialism Democratic Popular Unity (1970-1973), US covert actions to overthrow the government of Salvador Allende; until the funeral of Neruda, historical fact that proves that the dead speak also, by becoming the first march against the dictatorship of Pinochet.
Neruda politically persecuted, banned poet, in 1948 became a senator with outrageous arrest warrant, the PRI Mexico denied a pass or political asylum, "Neruda then took refuge in the Mexican Embassy. Welcomes the ambassador Pedro de Alba. Surprisingly comes the order from Mexico that could not be given asylum. These were the years of the counter-revolutionary government of Miguel Aleman. Neruda then and always hold the ignominious fact, Cardoza y Aragón recalls in his memoirs The river, Foreign Minister Jaime Torres Bodet. In the year 1948 wrote in Canto General:
"... And when Mexico opened
to meet me and keep me,
Torres Bodet, poor poet,
He ordered me to surrender
the furious jailers. '"
And it's the same old PRI (in 1973), with its genocidal Luis Echeverria Alvarez, who offers him a special plane for the new exile. Neruda could not return to Mexico in 1973 (dies as a result of cancer and sudden sadness September 23). On the death of Neruda, Matilde Urrutia, his widow, did the best he could to preserve the heritage and memory of Neruda, compiled his loose and unpublished sheets, published, walked in solidarity with his people when the military terror was atrocious, He gave a fierce battle for human rights abroad denouncing the systematic violations of the Pinochet dictatorship. His only mistake was to trust Juan Agustin Figueroa and name of the Neruda Foundation president, all for being brother of Aida Figueroa Yávar (great friend of Neruda, which meets during the persecution of 1948).
Neither Matilde Urrutia, much less Pablo Neruda, imagined battles of a lifetime and countless legal procedures would result in a shareholder of the Pinochet Foundation oligarchy under the leadership of Juan Agustín Figueroa and Ricardo Claro. The intent of Neruda was to create the "Cantalao Foundation" to which he donated land in Punta de Tralca, and drafted the statutes for the operation of Cantalao, was not his will to set up branches of house museums, much less a foundation that surrendered cult your personality.
According to the document Neruda (unpublished, dated May 9, 1973, which has only been discussed within the Communist Party - partially published in the agency of the press and the Directing Council of the Neruda Foundation), and I quote I have in my possession two statutes, the 1973 and 1982, certified by a notary public: Originally there would be a "Charitable Foundation nonprofit organization whose goal is the spread of letters, arts and sciences, especially in The coastline between San Antonio and Valparaiso. a) construction and equipping in real property is contributed to the foundation of buildings to be devoted to meeting sites of writers, artists and national and foreign scientists as likewise for accommodation "Article Fifth on the Composition of the Board Directors and Executive: "It consist of two representatives of Pablo Neruda, the rectors of the universities of Chile, Catholic and Technical State, a representative of the United Workers Federation and a representative of the Society of Writers of Chile".
However, the text of 1982, ignored the will of Neruda and names five people (as in 1973, there were seven, and now none is representative of the Chilean universities) Juan Agustin Figueroa writes: "Their positions are appointed for life but They may cease by resignation. Produced a vacancy the other four members will elect a replacement. If only quedase one or more members of the Council shall designate these replacements ". A true dictatorship that perpetuates the Board, through the legal scope of the statutes of 1982, written by the lawyer Juan Agustín Figueroa as a testament of Matilde Urrutia.
On the official website, your website: the Foundation is defined as: "A legal person in private law, formed in 1986," but at no time made public the financial resources at their disposal, "only in the 2003 left in its coffers nearly billion Chilean almost two million US dollars-, by way of royalties, ticket sales and merchandising houses "pesos (according to a press Andres Gomez of La Tercera newspaper 10 / 06/2004). Being "a legal person in private law" does not have to be accountable to the Chilean State (rather than the respective payment of taxes), let alone the general public, thanks to the note of La Tercera could tell that there is a "embezzlement for 25 million pesos for misappropriation in a House Neruda Museum ".
We should commend the lawyer Juan Agustin Figueroa recovery home in Isla Negra, first donated to the Communist Party by Pablo Neruda in life, then expropriated the political community by the dictatorship of Pinochet and finally (since 1991) administered by the Foundation. But ... not what Neruda wanted a legacy, much less if we refer to his poetry:
"I leave unions
copper, coal and nitrate
seaside home in Isla Negra.
I want you there are resting abused children
my homeland, sacked by axes and traitors,
thwarted in his sacred blood,
consumed in volcanic tatters "
Juan Agustin Figueroa was minister of state, agriculture portfolio, during the government of Patricio Aylwin (1990-1994), his public image was achieved thanks to his capacity as chairman of the Neruda Foundation. Chilean journalist Ernesto Carmona described Figueroa as "a kind of political bridge between the ultra rightist Ricardo Claro and the coalition, the coalition Socialist-Christian Democratic hegemony that rules the country. 'A Juan Agustin I put as director (Cristalerías Chile), because we are good friends from the University' she said Ricardo Claro El Mercurio "(Chilean News Agency January 17, 2005), you can see the entire directory Glassworks of Chile on its website ( The ideological affinity between Ricardo Claro and Juan Agustin Figueroa explained when the president of the Neruda Foundation invokes the Terrorism Act against two indigenous Mapuche (by burning and alleged encroachment on their properties in the south, where the Mapuche people have always lived in the Chile and Argentina) south; Figueroa has been asked to resign from the coalition (alliance of parties that govern Chile) for the violation of the human rights of the Mapuche for their efforts in the implementation of the Terrorism Act against them.
Socialist deputy Alejandro Navarro Brain wrote a resounding "Open Letter to Juan Agustín Figueroa" explaining the background to the dictatorship of Pinochet used to create the Terrorism Act.
On the other side of the partnership, about the owner of Glassworks Chile, Rocinante magazine published the funa (demonstration against Pinochet collaborators) Ricardo Claro: "Nearly a thousand people participated on 14 October in the funa (public denunciation) of entrepreneur Ricardo Claro Megavisión owner of the glassworks companies in Chile, etc. ... The protesters complained to the headquarters of Megavisión and Elecmetal multiple Claro complicity with the dictatorship of Pinochet. They claimed that the company's board Elecmetal, chaired by Ricardo Claro, gave the carabineros (police) and the army of workers José Devia, Jose Maldonado, Augusto Alcaya, Miguel and Juan Fernandez Cuevas and Guillermo Flores. The six were brutally murdered and their bodies scattered in various streets of Santiago. Their bodies showed signs of torture and multiple gunshot wounds "(November 2000). But now Ricardo Claro denies any collaboration in the Pinochet dictatorship: "The owner of the South American Steamship Company, Ricardo Claro said with annoyance that is a 'nonsense' to assume that the ships of his company were used as torture centers during the regime of Augusto Pinochet, as argued by human rights organizations "reported Radio Cooperativa (02.12.2004).
The roles are reversed and favors are paid: if before Juan Agustin Figueroa served on the board of the company Glassworks Chile (owned by Ricardo Claro) now the Neruda Foundation invests much of its capital in the same company Glassware Chile is the last determination the board of the Neruda Foundation, which has not transpired in the national and international press by the enormous influence of Ricardo Claro and the good name of the Neruda Foundation. This is an initial investment of $ 300 million Chilean pesos (2,315,227.25 USD) and if estimates that each year visit the homes of Neruda about 100 thousand people -figures to official (x 2,500 Chilean pesos) Glassworks Chile has secured 250 million annual Chilean pesos (445,236.00 USD) without mentioning the entries for the collection of each book that is sold Neruda anywhere on earth or imaginable language.
On the eve of the centenary of Neruda (2004) the Foundation committed an outrage against one of its workers, Luis Alberto Ocampo, accusing him of "misappropriation" of 25 million Chilean pesos, this is amazing considering that Luis Alberto Ocampo was a modest employee with the sole responsibility of being in front of the shop of the museum. A source from within the Foundation has entrusted me with the unofficial version, "the Neruda Foundation hired internal researchers, who were led by two counters Emilio Rojas, they established their debt accounting expertise you cheated the Neruda Foundation is completely different established by the police procedure, in summary, we are not talking about only 25 million pesos, (as published La Tercera 10/06/2004) but losses in 2002 and 2003 for 90 million dollars and in 2004 (in six months) for 50 million Chilean pesos ", the same source that I anticipated Francisco Torres (executive director of the Foundation) will resign before" the pot is uncovered, "the argument of his resignation:" better job prospects "in addition The source of the Neruda Foundation explained, "The mechanism used for the embezzlement of 140 million Chilean pesos (249,309.95 USD) in the Neruda Foundation, is by ballots false fees, even some were not even declared to internal taxes and if compared to what denounced on behalf of Luis Alberto Ocampo never could have embezzled so much money, since he was in charge of the small shop in a museum Neruda 'house, my source is totally reliable, investigations of internal taxes will throw this data. "There is much disagreement by imprisoning scapegoat Luis Alberto Ocampo" he said telephone his lawyer, Alicia Meyer, who defends the cause of the Num. 1997-3 (2004), "when you can come and study the file" ends the telephone conversation we held extensive.
In conclusion:
The Neruda Foundation does absolutely nothing to recover the People Anthology 1972 (draft Neruda and the Popular Unity to print a million copies and distribute it free of charge from public libraries, schools and unions in Chile) on the contrary, the contract guarantees the Spanish publishing Edaf with Balcells Agency to issue a fake book, now titled Anthology Posthumous with a presentation full of lies, written by Manuel Márquez de la Plata. The book was published in his first (and only) time by a total of 150 thousand copies, Neruda wanted a final run of one million copies and legally got his editor Gonzalo Losada (and copyright owner) cede all copyright with the proviso that the book can not be sold. The above are all elements censored Edaf Marquez de la Plata and Melquiades Prieto (Director of Library Edaf) it is a theft to the people of Chile, started by the Pinochet dictatorship and the end ("legal") by Edaf and failure by the Neruda Foundation.
The Neruda Foundation is not interested in seeking the unpublished preface to the book of Neruda Song feat (editorial Quimantú, 1973) destroyed the entire print run following the dictatorship of Pinochet, when the only copy is lost in the Literature Library a Foreign Moscow (research that I wrote in the magazine Rocinante, August 2004), as at the time the Neruda Foundation denied its support for the writer and architect Ramiro Insunza to publish the unpublished book Ode to Datitla flowers that Neruda he wrote during his stay in Uruguay, in the 50s and remained unpublished until 2003, 30 years after the death of the poet.
The Neruda Foundation interrupted the train of poetry (free of cultural event that brought together writers from around the world every September 23 in Temuco) expelling the poet Bernardo Reyes (nephew of Neruda) of any organization and the own Neruda Foundation , who also continues to systematically deny the finding of Bernardo Reyes of the Journal of Temuco (unpublished poetry of youth) entrusting the presentation legendary Victor Farias, a neophyte full of Neruda's poetry.
Neruda Foundation dissociates his family background and his political activism, here are some cases "in courts prevented the publication of a book, Leonidas Aguirre, who collected the parliamentary speeches of Pablo Neruda as a senator of the Communist Party (1945-1948 ) claiming an alleged violation of the 'copyright' possessing exclusively. Although later the Santiago Appeals Court authorized the publication of the work, noting that 'the minutes of session of the Senate are not protected by the law on intellectual property 17. 336 "(Azkintuwe newspaper, No. 1, October 2003 ); then he condemned the trial of Julius Galvez (specialist period: Neruda in Spain) burning witness of an era; the writer Jaime Valdivieso resigned from the board of the magazine Notebooks of the Neruda Foundation, where his essay on Mapuche poetry was approved for publication by the full editorial board and then Aida Figueroa suspended him alluding to the Mapuche in the southern region had him fire one of his estates to his brother. There are also not a few, internationally renowned intellectuals who disagree with the current administration of the Neruda Foundation; Jorge Edwards (1999 Cervantes Prize) was the first dissident directory giving the Neruda Foundation; Bernardo Reyes (expelled by the Foundation) and two writers who need no introduction in Mexico, recognized for their literary careers: Poli Delano and Gonzalo Rojas who sympathized with Bernardo Reyes against unfair dismissal. The Neruda Foundation is not accountable to anyone, excluded from board meetings of advisory committees to Santiago and Valparaiso, does not clarify the diversion of money for a total of 140 million Chilean pesos (249,309.95 USD).
And the biggest inconsistency is that the Neruda Foundation is investing his fortune (by concepts of copyright and driveways museum) by the entrepreneur Ricardo Claro (main collaborator of Pinochet) that may not be illegal, but definitely immoral. Ricardo Claro (owner of the South American Steamship Company) is accused by human rights organizations, that your company ships were used as torture centers during the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Preserve the heritage of Neruda (houses, books and personal files) to undertake new projects, investing in companies on behalf of Ricardo Claro memory of our poet simply nothing worth.
Final Note:
I sent at least five questionnaires to the website of the Neruda Foundation and the personal email account of Francisco Torres (CEO of the FN) at press time; with the intention of having an official statement of the Foundation on the discussion in this essay and the only answer I got was: "Your message has been received successfully. The Foundation reserves the right to respond. We appreciate having written us. Pablo Neruda Foundation. "
Source: Clarín de Chile 11.08.2005